《西藏发展道路的历史选择》白皮书
White Paper: Tibet's Path of Development Is Driven by an Irresistible Historical Tide

 
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三、“中间道路”的实质是分裂中国III. The Essential Intent of the "Middle Way" Is to Split China
经过西藏各族人民长达半个多世纪的团结奋斗,西藏已经走上一条符合时代发展要求和人民根本利益的发展道路,取得了举世瞩目的发展成就。但是,十四世达赖集团出于“西藏独立”的政治目的,不仅从来对西藏的发展进步视而不见,而且还极力抹杀西藏各族人民的奋斗成果,试图否定西藏走上的正确道路。Following more than half-a-century's concerted efforts of the peoples of all its ethnic groups, Tibet has embarked on a path of development conforming to the times and the people's fundamental interests, and made tremendous strides forward. However, in their pursuit of "Tibetan independence," the 14th Dalai Lama and his supporters have always turned a blind eye to Tibet's development and progress, denying the achievements made by the people of Tibet and rejecting the sound path that Tibet has taken.
多年来,十四世达赖集团的“藏独”策略一直在不断变化。1959年3月,十四世达赖集团发动全面武装叛乱、失败逃往印度后,公开主张以暴力为手段实现“西藏独立”。20世纪70年代末之后,随着中美关系缓和,十四世达赖集团看到国际形势于其不利,开始变换策略,提出所谓“中间道路”,由公开独立转为变相独立。1989年苏东剧变后,十四世达赖集团错误地判断形势,以为实现“西藏独立”的时机到来,又提出实现“完全独立”。1994年之后,十四世达赖集团发现“西藏独立”无望,再次变换口径,重新捡起“中间道路”招牌,要求所谓“高度自治”。近年来,十四世达赖集团加大了对“中间道路”的鼓吹力度,并加紧进行包装。Over the course of the years, the Dalai group has kept modifying its tactics for "Tibetan independence." In March 1959, it fled to India after they failed in an all-out armed revolt that they launched; subsequently it began to publicly advocate "Tibetan independence" and tried to achieve it by force. In the late 1970s, when relations between China and the US improved, the Dalai group, finding that the international situation was unfavorable to it, started to alter its tactics, shifting its attempts from achieving open independence to achieving disguised independence by cloaking them with what is called the "middle way." After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe in 1989, it again misread the situation and believed that the time was right, it began to demand "complete independence" once again. After 1994, having realized that there was no possibility of achieving this goal, it turned again to the "middle way" and began to lobby for what it now termed "a high degree of autonomy." In recent years, it has intensified its efforts to promote this "middle way" and to disguise it.
“中间道路”,又称“中观道路”,本属佛教用语,十四世达赖集团却将其政治化。纵观“中间道路”,其核心有五条:一是不承认西藏自古是中国的一部分,宣称“西藏历史上是一个完全独立的国家”,“1951年被中国占领”,“从历史上看,藏人有独立的权利”。二是图谋建立历史上从来不存在的“大藏区”,宣称“西藏问题”是600万藏人的问题,要将西藏、四川、云南、甘肃和青海等藏族及其他民族聚居区合并在一起,建立统一的行政区。三是要求实行不受中央约束的“高度自治”,不承认中央政府的领导和西藏现行的社会政治制度,宣称建立“自治政府”,“除外交和国防,其他所有事务都由藏人(即十四世达赖集团)负责,并负有全权”。四是反对中央在西藏驻军,表面上认可中央负责国防,但又提出中国军队“全部撤出去”,把西藏变成“国际和平区”。五是无视青藏高原自古多民族杂居共处的事实,限制其他民族进入“大藏区”,驱赶在青藏高原世代居住的其他民族。

The "middle way," also known as the "way of meditation on the mean," is a Buddhist term. It is the Dalai group which has politicized it. Its claims can be summarized into five major points.

First, it denies the fact that Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times; instead it claims that Tibet was "an independent state" which was "occupied by China in 1951," and that "Tibetans have the right to independence from a historic perspective." Second, it seeks to establish a "Greater Tibet" that has never existed at any time in history, claiming that the "Tibet issue" concerns 6 million Tibetans and that Tibet, Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu, Qinghai and other areas that Tibetans and people of other ethnic minorities inhabit in compact communities should be incorporated into a unified administrative region. Third, it demands "a high degree of autonomy" that is not subject to any constraint whatsoever from the central government, denies the leadership of the central government and Tibet's present social and political systems, and proposes to establish an "autonomous government" under which "Tibetans" (in truth the Dalai party) take full charge of all affairs other than diplomacy and national defense. Fourth, it opposes the central government to garrison troops in Tibet and, despite its superficial agreement that the central government holds the authority over national defense, it demands that the central government "withdraws all Chinese troops" to turn Tibet into an "international zone of peace." And fifth, in total disregard of the fact that the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau has been a multi-ethnic region since ancient times, it denies the access of other ethnic groups to "Greater Tibet" and drives them out of regions where they have lived for generations.

“中间道路”以表面上承认中国对西藏的“主权”换取十四世达赖集团对西藏的“治权”,建立由他们控制的“半独立”政治实体;待“治权”巩固后再谋求“主权”,最终实现“西藏独立”。“中间道路”作为分步实现“西藏独立”的政治纲领,既不符合中国的历史、现实、宪法、法律、基本制度,也不符合西藏的历史、现实和民族关系,更有违包括藏族人民在内的全中国人民的根本利益。

Under the "middle way," the Dalai group feigns acceptance of China's sovereignty in Tibet to seize the reins of power and set up a semi-independent political regime under the control of the "Tibetan independence" forces, and ultimately seek full sovereignty and achieve "Tibetan independence" when its governing power is consolidated.

As a political strategy for achieving independence through a series of steps, the "middle way" does not tally with China's history, national reality, state Constitution, laws and basic systems. Neither does it conform to Tibet's history, reality and ethnic relations. Moreover, it runs counter to the fundamental interests of all the people of China, including the Tibetans.

——西藏自古就是中国的一部分,从来不是独立国家- Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times, and has never been an independent nation.
西藏自古就是中国的一部分,藏族是中国境内具有悠久历史的民族之一,为中华民族命运共同体的形成与发展作出了贡献。大量考古、历史研究表明,在中国境内,藏族与汉族和其他民族自古就有血缘、语言和文化等方面的密切联系,西藏地方与中国内地在长期的历史发展中从来没有中断过经济、政治、文化往来。公元7世纪在西藏发展起来的吐蕃政权,是中国历史上的一个地方政权,为开发中国西南边疆作出了重要贡献。Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times, and, as one of the centuries-old ethnic groups in China, the Tibetans have made important contributions to the formation and evolution of the Chinese nation - a single family sharing a common destiny. Archaeological and historical research shows that since ancient times the Tibetan people have been closely connected with the Han and other ethnic groups in such aspects as consanguinity, language, culture and others, and that there has never been a break in economic, political and cultural exchanges between Tibet and the rest of China. The Tubo regime established in Tibet in the seventh century was a local government of ancient China, which made an important contribution to developing China's southwest frontier.
中国古代正式将西藏地方纳入中央政府行政管辖之下,是在元朝(1271-1368年)。元朝设立释教总制院和宣政院,直接管理西藏地区军政、宗教事务,在西藏清查民户、设置驿站、征收赋税、驻扎军队、任命官员,并将元朝刑法、历法颁行西藏,充分行使有效管辖。明朝(1368-1644年)时,在西藏实施多封众建,给西藏各地宗教领袖封以“法王”、“灌顶国师”等名号。同时,西藏地方王位的继承必须经皇帝批准,遣使册封,新王方可继位。清朝(1644-1911年)时,中央政府先后册封藏传佛教格鲁派首领五世达赖和五世班禅,正式确立达赖喇嘛与班禅额尔德尼的封号和政治、宗教地位。此后,历世达赖、班禅均由中央政府册封,遂成定制。从1727年开始,清朝设驻藏大臣,代表中央监督、管理西藏地方行政,先后派遣驻藏大臣百余人。1751年,清朝废除世俗郡王掌政制度,正式任命七世达赖掌管西藏地方政府,实行政教合一,设立由四位噶伦组成的噶厦,听命于驻藏大臣和达赖喇嘛。1774年,当英国东印度公司派人到扎什伦布寺企图与西藏直接建立联系时,六世班禅答复说,西藏属于中国领土,一切要听从中国大皇帝的圣旨办事。1793年,清朝颁布《钦定藏内善后章程二十九条》,完善中央政府治理西藏地方的多项制度,明确规定达赖等大活佛转世须经金瓶掣签认定,并报请中央政府批准。此后,十、十一、十二世达赖和八、九、十一世班禅都经金瓶掣签认定。十三、十四世达赖和十世班禅都是报经中央政府批准免于金瓶掣签认定的。

It was during the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) that China's central government formally incorporated Tibet into the central administration. The Yuan government set up the Supreme Control Commission of Buddhism and Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs to directly administer local military, political and religious affairs, conduct censuses in Tibet, set up courier stations, collect taxes, station troops and appoint officials; it also issued and enacted the Yuan criminal law and calendar in Tibet to fully exercise effective administration. The Ming government (1368-1644) implemented a policy of multiple enfeoffment, conferring "prince of Dharma," "national master in Tantrism" and other honorific titles upon religious leaders in various parts of Tibet. Succession to such titles required the approval of the emperor, who would send an envoy to confer the official title on each new prince.

During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), the central government granted honorific titles to the leaders of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism - the 5th Dalai Lama and the 5th Panchen Lama - officially establishing the titles of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni and their political and religious status in Tibet. From then on, it became an established convention that the central government conferred the titles of Dalai Lama and Panchen Erdeni.

From 1727, the Qing government started to station grand ministers resident in Tibet to supervise and manage local administration on behalf of the central authorities; in total it appointed more than 100 such grand ministers resident in Tibet. In 1751, the Qing government abolished the system under which the secular princes held power, and formally appointed the 7th Dalai Lama to administer the local government of Tibet, thus establishing theocracy there, and it set up the Kashag (cabinet) composed of four Kalons (ministers) that took orders from the grand ministers resident in Tibet and the Dalai Lama. In 1774, when the British East India Company sent a representative to Tashilhunpo in an attempt to build a direct relationship with Tibet, the 6th Panchen replied that Tibet was part of China's territory and all its affairs were handled in accordance with imperial edicts from the Chinese emperor. In 1793, the Qing government promulgated the Imperially Approved Ordinance for Better Governance of Tibet (29-Article), improving several systems by which the central government administered Tibet. The Ordinance clearly stipulated that the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama and other Living Buddhas had to follow the procedure of "drawing lots from the golden urn," and the selected candidate would be subject to approval by the central authorities of China. Observing the Ordinance, the 10th, 11th and 12th Dalai Lamas and the 8th, 9th and 11th Panchen Lamas were selected in this way, but 13th and 14th Dalai Lamas and the 10th Panchen Lama did not go through the procedure of "drawing lots from the golden urn" with approval from the central authorities.

中华民国(1912-1949年)继承了历史上形成的中央政府对西藏的主权,继续对西藏实施主权管辖。清朝最后一位皇帝在1912年的《清帝逊位诏书》中宣布“将统治权归诸全国,定为共和立宪国体”,“仍合满、汉、蒙、回、藏五族完全领土,为一大中华民国”。1912年制定的《中华民国临时约法》和1931年制定的《中华民国训政时期约法》,均明确规定西藏是中华民国领土。1929年,南京国民政府设立蒙藏委员会,行使对西藏的行政管辖。1940年,国民政府在拉萨设立蒙藏委员会驻藏办事处,作为中央政府在西藏地方的常设机构。十四世达赖和十世班禅的认定、坐床,均经当时的中华民国政府批准。虽然民国时期军阀混战,内乱频仍,国家孱弱,但中央政府仍在十分艰难的条件下维护了国家在西藏的主权。The Republic of China (1912-1949) continued the central government's sovereignty over Tibet and maintained its sovereignty and jurisdiction there. The last Qing emperor Puyi declared in 1912 in the Edict on Qing Emperor's Abdication, "I will return sovereignty to the whole nation and establish it as a constitutional republic," and "Manchu, Han, Mongol, Hui and Tibetan ethnic groups will enjoy territorial integrity in this great Republic." The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China in 1912 and the General Outline of the Constitution for the Political Tutelage Period of the Republic of China in 1931 both stipulated that Tibet was a part of the territory of the Republic of China. In 1929, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China in Nanjing established a Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs to exercise administrative jurisdiction over Tibet. In 1940, the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs opened an office in Lhasa as a permanent establishment of the central government in Tibet. The identification and enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama and the 10th Panchen Lama were both done with approval from the government of the Republic of China. In the years of the Republic of China, the central government did its utmost to safeguard the nation's sovereignty over Tibet though hamstrung by constant civil conflicts among warlords and the intrinsic weakness of the nation.
中华人民共和国成立后,结束全国割据状态,在新的历史条件下实现国家统一成为历史发展的必然。和平解放西藏、人民解放军进驻西藏,是中国中央政府在中央政权更替后行使国家主权、维护国家统一、捍卫国家领土完整的正义之举。中央政府和原西藏地方政府签订的《十七条协议》,正是在尊重和确认西藏是中国一部分的历史事实的基础上产生的国内约法。和平解放后,西藏逐步走上社会主义道路,西藏各族人民与全国各族人民一道共同推动国家发展进步。After the People's Republic of China was founded, it became its historic duty to bring an end to national separation and realize national unification under new historical conditions. The peaceful liberation of Tibet and the stationing of the People's Liberation Army in Tibet were two right steps taken by the central government of China in exercising national sovereignty and safeguarding national unification and territorial integrity after a wholesale regime change. The 17-Article Agreement signed in 1951 between the central government and the local government of Tibet was a domestic agreement reached on the basis of respecting and accepting the historical fact that Tibet is part of China. After its peaceful liberation, Tibet had gradually embarked on the socialist path, and the people of Tibet have worked with people of other ethnic groups around the country towards China's progress and development.
历史事实充分说明,西藏自古以来就是中国的一部分,从来不是一个独立国家。在当今世界,各国普遍承认西藏是中国的一部分,没有一个国家承认过“西藏独立”,根本不存在西藏“政治地位”问题。十四世达赖自1959年因抵制废奴改革而叛逃国外后,根本无权代表西藏人民,更无权决定西藏的前途命运。所谓“流亡政府”更是一个从事分裂中国活动的非法政治组织,毫无合法性,在国际上也没有任何一个国家承认。History demonstrates clearly that Tibet has been part of China since ancient times, and it has never been an independent nation. In today's world, all countries acknowledge this as a fact; no country has ever acknowledged "Tibetan independence." There is no question about Tibet's political status. After 1959, when he opposed the reform measure abolishing serfdom and defected abroad, the 14th Dalai Lama has no authority whatsoever to represent the people of Tibet, nor has he the right to decide the future and destiny of Tibet. The self-styled "government-in-exile" is an illegitimate political organization engaged in secessionist activities, and no country around the world acknowledges it.
——“大藏区”纯属虚构,不符合中国历史和国情- "Greater Tibet" is sheer fantasy, and does not conform to China's history and national conditions.
十四世达赖集团在兜售其“中间道路”主张时,总是津津乐道所谓的“大藏区”。按照十四世达赖集团的假想,“大藏区”在范围上北至新疆南部和河西走廊,东至甘肃中部和四川中部,南至云南中部,囊括了西藏自治区和青海省的全部、四川省的二分之一、甘肃省的二分之一、云南省的四分之一以及新疆维吾尔自治区南部,总面积超过中国国土面积的四分之一。Talking about the "middle-way" approach by the 14th Dalai Lama and his followers is invariably accompanied by references to "Greater Tibet." In their hypothesis, this "Greater Tibet" extends to southern Xinjiang and the Hexi Corridor in the north, central Gansu and central Sichuan in the east, and to central Yunnan in the south, covering all of the Tibet Autonomous Region and Qinghai Province, half of Sichuan Province, half of Gansu Province, a quarter of Yunnan Province, and the southern part of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. In total, this represents an area larger than one quarter of China's total territory.
“大藏区”在中国行政区划历史上毫无根据。当代中国的行政区划是在漫长的历史进程中形成的。在唐朝(618-907年),吐蕃政权是由吐蕃人联合居住在青藏高原及周边地区的各个民族、部落共同组成的多民族政权。吐蕃政权灭亡以后,居住在青藏高原地区的吐蕃人和其他各民族杂居相处,并无统一政权。元朝时期,在西藏地方设立乌思藏纳里速古鲁孙三路都元帅府(即乌思藏宣慰司)来管理西藏地方,而在其他藏族聚居区分别设立吐蕃等路宣慰使司都元帅府(即朵甘思宣慰司)和吐蕃等处宣慰使司都元帅府(即脱思麻宣慰司)。以上三路宣慰司统属于中央管理机构宣政院(初为总制院)。明朝时期,在西藏设立乌思藏卫指挥使司和俄力思军民元帅府,后升级为乌思藏行都指挥使司。在朵甘思地区则设有朵甘指挥使司(后升为朵甘行都指挥使司)。清朝雍正四年(1726年),针对西藏地方出现的动乱,中央调整西藏与周边川、滇、青等省区的行政区划,形成了清代管理西藏和其他藏族聚居区行政区划的基本格局,并延续至今。直到1951年和平解放前,西藏地方政府的行政管辖范围从未超过今天西藏自治区范围。In China's entire history, there has never been any geographical entity that supports this concept of a "Greater Tibet." The administrative repartition of contemporary China came into being over a long historical course. During the Tang Dynasty (618-907), the Tubo Kingdom was a multi-ethnic regime established by the Tubo people together with other ethnic groups and tribes inhabiting the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau and surrounding areas. After the Tubo Kingdom collapsed, the Tubo people shared the plateau together with other ethnic groups without any unified regime. During the Yuan Dynasty, the central government set up the U-Tsang High Pacification Commissioner's Office in Tibet to exercise jurisdiction over Tibet, and Do-kham and Domed High Pacification Commissioner's Offices in other Tibetan-inhabited areas. The three High Pacification Commissioner's Offices were under the Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs (previously the Supreme Control Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs) of the central government. The central government of the Ming Dynasty set up the u-Tsang Military Command and the Ngari Civilian and Military Command in Tibet, which were later upgraded to the u-Tsang Regional Military Commission. It also set up the Do-kham Military Command in the Do-kham area, which was later upgraded to the Do-kham Regional Military Commission. In 1726, in view of the upheaval in Tibet, the Qing imperial government adjusted the administrative divisions of Tibet and neighboring Sichuan, Yunnan and Qinghai, bringing into being the basic structure of administrative divisions under which the Qing central authorities governed Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited areas. This structure has remained to this day. Never at any point prior to the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951 did the scope of administrative jurisdiction of the local government of Tibet extend beyond the present Tibet Autonomous Region.
“大藏区”是西方殖民者侵略中国、企图分裂中国的产物。“大藏区”的概念并非十四世达赖集团首创,而是在1913-1914年“西姆拉会议”上由英国殖民主义者提出并写入非法的“西姆拉条约”。该条约将中国藏族聚居区划分为“外藏”和“内藏”:“外藏”即今天的西藏自治区,实行“自治”;“内藏”即除西藏自治区之外的四川、云南、甘肃、青海的四省所属藏族聚居区,中国政府可以派遣官员军队。由于中国各族人民的强烈反对,当时的中国政府代表未签字并不予承认,“西姆拉会议”以破产而告终,“西姆拉条约”也成为一纸空文。但英国殖民主义者依然积极培植并支持西藏地方上层分裂势力,西藏地方上层分裂势力也一度幻想在英国支持下实现“自治”。直到晚年,曾被英国殖民主义者利用的十三世达赖喇嘛终于觉醒,1930年他在拉萨对当时的中央政府代表刘曼卿说:“都是中国领土,何分尔我,倘武力相持……兄弟阋墙,甚为不值”。

"Greater Tibet" was a product of Western colonialist invasions of China and a product of their efforts to split China. The concept is not the brainchild of the Dalai group; it was proposed by British colonialists at the Simla Conference which took place from 1913 to 1914, and it was then written into the illegitimate Simla Accord. The Accord divided Tibetan-inhabited areas in China into "Outer Tibet" and "Inner Tibet"; the former covered the present Tibet Autonomous Region and would have "autonomy," while the latter included Tibetan-inhabited areas in Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai, to which the Chinese government could dispatch officials and troops. The proposal was rejected outright by the whole of China, and the delegates of the Chinese government refused to sign and recognize the Simla Accord. As a result the Simla Conference broke down, and the Simla Accord never had any status as a legal document.

However, British colonialists continued to foster and support secessionist forces from the upper levels of Tibetan society, who persisted with their plans to achieve "autonomy" with British support. In his later years the 13th Dalai Lama, who had been exploited by British colonialists, finally woke up to what was happening. In 1930, he told Liu Manqing, a representative of the central government, in Lhasa: "Since it is all Chinese territory, why draw lines between yourselves and ourselves? If we allow ourselves to become ensnared in conflict... it is like brothers fighting each other; it makes no sense."

“大藏区”无视青藏高原各民族共同创造的历史和文化。中国各民族经过长期的交往,形成了大杂居、小聚居的分布特点。在中国,一个民族往往分布在不同行政区域,而一个行政区域又往往聚居着不同民族。在青藏高原地区特别是毗邻区域,自古以来就生活着汉、藏、回、门巴、珞巴、羌、蒙古、土、东乡、保安、裕固、撒拉、傈僳、纳西、普米、怒等十几个民族,他们是这块土地上的共同主人。今天的西藏和川、滇、甘、青四省,都是多民族杂居区,这是中国各民族人民长期交往交流交融的历史结果。由于地理、历史和风俗习惯等各个方面的原因,川、滇、甘、青地区的藏族不同部落分别由中国不同的省份管理,并和各地的其他民族长期交错相处。在长期的历史发展中,分布在不同行政区域的藏族人民既保持着共同的民族特点,又在部落语言、习俗等方面存在差异,各有特色。同时,不同区域的藏族与当地其他各族人民在政治、经济、文化等方面的交往非常频繁,特别是经济联系非常紧密,拥有共同的或相似的地域文化特色。"Greater Tibet" ignores the history and culture created by all the ethnic groups who have lived together on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau. After many years of contact and exchange, some of China's ethnic groups have spread over vast areas, while others live in individual concentrated communities in small areas. In China, it is quite common that people of one single ethnic group live in different administrative regions, while in a single administrative region there can be many different ethnic groups. On the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, particularly in its neighboring regions, there have lived more than a dozen ethnic groups since ancient times. These include Han, Tibetan, Hui, Monba, Lhoba, Qiang, Mongol, Tu, Dongxiang, Bao'an, Yugur, Salar, Lisu, Naxi, Pumi, and Nu, all of whom are masters of this land. The present Tibet and the four provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai are all multi-ethnic regions, which is the result of a long-term history of exchange, communication and blending among various ethnic groups of China. For reasons of geography, history and customs, different Tibetan tribes are under the jurisdiction of the four different provinces, and have lived together with other ethnic groups in these places over a very long time. In the course of this long history, the Tibetan people, spread across different administrative regions, have both maintained some common features and displayed certain differences in language, customs and other aspects. At the same time, they have engaged in frequent political, economic and cultural exchanges with people of other local ethnic groups, and maintained close ties with them, particularly in the economic field, thus sharing the same or similar regional and cultural characteristics with other local peoples.
“大藏区”完全脱离中国现实国情。在中国,民族区域自治制度是国家的一项基本政治制度。民族区域自治是在国家统一领导下,各少数民族聚居的地方实行区域自治,设立自治机关,行使自治权。民族自治地方分为自治区、自治州、自治县三级。各民族自治地方都是中华人民共和国不可分离的部分。新中国成立后,除西藏自治区外,还在四川、云南、甘肃、青海等省的藏族聚居区成立了8个藏族自治州、1个藏族羌族自治州、1个蒙古族藏族自治州和2个藏族自治县,有的藏族自治州中还建立了其他民族的自治县。这种行政区划既充分照顾到民族分布的历史特点,又着眼于今后的发展,体现了民族因素与区域因素、历史因素与现实因素、政治因素与经济因素的结合,有利于各民族在祖国大家庭中共同繁荣发展,实践证明这一制度安排是成功的。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》第14条规定:“民族自治地方一经建立,未经法定程序,不得撤销或者合并;民族自治地方的区域界线一经确定,未经法定程序,不得变动;确实需要撤销、合并或者变动的,由上级国家机关的有关部门和民族自治地方的自治机关充分协商拟定,按照法定程序报请批准。”

"Greater Tibet" disrespects China's national conditions. The system of regional ethnic autonomy is one of the basic elements of China's political system. Regional ethnic autonomy means that the minority ethnic groups, under unified state leadership, practice regional autonomy in areas where they live in compact communities and establish their own organs of self-government to exercise their right of autonomy. Ethnic autonomous areas are classified into the three levels of autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures and autonomous counties. All ethnic autonomous areas are integral parts of the People's Republic of China. After New China was founded in 1949, in addition to Tibet Autonomous Region, eight Tibetan autonomous prefectures, one Tibetan and Qiang autonomous prefecture, one Mongol and Tibetan autonomous prefecture and two Tibetan autonomous counties were set up in Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu and Qinghai, while in some Tibetan autonomous prefectures there are autonomous counties of other ethnic minorities.

Such administrative division takes into account the distribution of different ethnic groups with a view to their future development. It gives expression to the combination of both the ethnical and regional, both political and economic factors that are the outcome of history and contemporary reality, and is conducive to the common prosperity and development of the various ethnic groups in the great family of the Chinese nation. Practice has proven that this system is successful. As the Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates in Article 14: "Once established, no ethnic autonomous area may, without legal procedures, be abolished or merged. Once defined, no boundaries of an ethnic autonomous area may, without legal procedures, be altered. Where abolition or merger or alteration is necessary, it will be proposed by the relevant department of the State organ at the next higher level with the organ of self-government of the ethnic autonomous area concerned after full consultation before it is submitted for approval according to legal procedures."

以上可见,十四世达赖集团谋求建立“大藏区”,既有违历史,也违背现实,完全脱离中国国情。“大藏区”无视青藏高原数千年来多民族杂居共处的事实,把各民族共同开发青藏高原的历史歪曲为单一民族的历史,在中国各民族之间制造矛盾和分歧,图谋建立排斥其他民族的纯而又纯的“大藏区”,是典型的极端民族主义和种族主义的表现。In summary, the concept of "Greater Tibet" the Dalai group seeks to establish runs counter to both history and contemporary reality, and is totally divorced from China's national conditions. "Greater Tibet" disregards the fact that the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau has long been populated by multiple ethnic groups, warps the true history of multi-ethnic development of the plateau into a false single-ethnic history, creates conflict and artificial differences among various ethnic groups of China, and seeks to establish a purely Tibetan "Greater Tibet" exclusive of all the other ethnic groups. It is thus an archetypal expression of racism and ultra-nationalism.
——“高度自治”是图谋制造“国中之国”,完全违背中国宪法和国家制度- "A high degree of autonomy" attempts to set up "a state within a state," which contravenes the Constitution and state systems.
“高度自治”,又称“真正自治”、“名副其实的自治”,是十四世达赖集团宣扬“中间道路”的又一核心内容。表面上,“高度自治”是在中华人民共和国的主权范围内,追求语言、文化、宗教、教育、环境保护等方面的“自治权”。但是,在十四世达赖集团关于“高度自治”的言论中,还清楚地包括破坏中国国家统一、主权和国家制度的内容,“高度自治”实质是建立不受中央政府约束的“国中之国”。"A high degree of autonomy," also described as "true autonomy" or "genuine autonomy," is another core element of the "middle way" advocated by the Dalai Lama and his followers. It purports to pursue the "power of autonomy" in language, culture, religious affairs, education, environmental protection and some other fields, subject to the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China. But, the Dalai party's demands for "a high degree of autonomy" also include claims that undermine national unity, sovereignty and the state systems of China; the essence of "a high degree of autonomy" is to set up "a state within state" free of any control from the central government.
一是关于“自治政府”与中央政府的关系。“高度自治”宣称“除了外交和国防,其他所有事务都应由藏人负责并负有全权”,“自治政府”有权在外国设立“代表处”。这实质是要把“自治政府”置于不受中央政府约束的独立地位,推翻西藏自治区现行的各项政治制度而另搞一套。

The first issue is the relationship between the "autonomous government" and the central government of China. Through "a high degree of autonomy," the Dalai group proposes to establish an "autonomous government" through "democratic elections." "All affairs except diplomacy and national defense should be under the full responsibility of the Tibetan people"; and "Tibetan people should have the power to set up a local government, governmental organizations and institutions that meet their demands and are in line with their characteristics. The people's congresses in autonomous areas have the authority to make laws and regulations for all issues, and the enforcement power and discretionary power in all departments of the autonomous government..."

This actually places the "autonomous government" in a position of independence and removes it from any level of authority exercised by the central government; it establishes an alternative set of political systems by overturning the ones currently effective in Tibet Autonomous Region.

二是关于西藏的军事防务。十四世达赖集团提出,“只有中共军队的完全撤退,才能开始真正的和解过程”,又提出,“应该召开地区性的和平会议,以确保西藏的非军事化”,企图把西藏变成“国际和平区”和“中印之间的缓冲区”,把中国内部事务变为国际事务。西藏是中华人民共和国的组成部分,中央政府在西藏驻军是国家主权的象征,也是国家安全的需要。十四世达赖集团反对中央政府在西藏驻军,再清楚不过地反映了其“西藏独立”的政治用心。

The second issue concerns military affairs in Tibet. The Dalai party takes the position that "Only when troops of the Communist Party of China withdraw completely from the region, can we start real reconciliation." It also demands that "regional peace conferences shall be held to ensure Tibet remains a demilitarized zone," proposing to turn Tibet into an "international zone of peace" and a "buffer between China and India," attempting to move China's internal affairs into the international arena.

Tibet is a component of the People's Republic of China, and the central government stationing troops in Tibet serves as a symbol of state sovereignty and is out of the needs of national security. The Dalai group's opposition to the central government stationing troops in Tibet is clear evidence of its intention to seek complete independence.

三是关于其他民族的权利。十四世达赖集团提出,必须“停止向西藏移民,并使移民入藏的汉人回到中国”。十四世达赖集团重要成员桑东2005年在一次讲话中声称:“整个藏人居住区要由藏人自己来行使民族区域自治权,汉人等其他民族就像客人一样,不应以任何形式约束我们的权利。”如前所述,在十四世达赖集团所谓“大藏区”范围内,特别是青藏高原毗邻地区,历史上就是中国各民族频繁迁徙的民族走廊,形成了交错居住、互相依存的局面。十四世达赖集团要让这片地区数以千万计的其他民族迁离世代居住的故土,透露出一种荒唐而恐怖的逻辑,即所谓的“高度自治”实现之日,就是青藏高原民族清洗之时。

The third issue concerns the rights of other ethnic groups. The Dalai group demands that the central government must "prevent further migration into Tibet and return the Han people who have migrated into Tibet back to China." Samdhong Rinpoche, an influential figure in the Dalai group, declared in a speech in 2005, "The whole area inhabited by Tibetan people should be under the regional ethnic autonomous control of Tibetans themselves; Han and other groups are like guests and should not restrict our rights in any form."

As has already been demonstrated, the so-called "Greater Tibet" region, and particularly the neighboring areas of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, has for centuries been a corridor of frequent migration of China's different ethnic groups, who have lived together and depended on each other in this region. The Dalai group's logic is absurd and chilling, proposing to force tens of millions of people of other ethnic groups out of this region where they have lived for generations. The net result of "a high degree of autonomy" would be tantamount to an ethnic cleansing of the plateau.

四是关于“高度自治”与“一国两制”。十四世达赖集团声称要按照“一国两制”的办法,在整个“大藏区”实行“高度自治”,并且西藏情况更“特殊”,自治权利应当比香港、澳门更大。“一国两制”是中国为解决台湾问题以及香港、澳门问题,实现国家和平统一而提出的基本国策。西藏与台湾以及香港、澳门的情况完全不同。台湾问题是国共内战遗留下来的问题。香港、澳门问题是帝国主义侵略中国的产物,是中国恢复行使主权的问题。而西藏始终处在中央政府主权管辖之下,根本不存在以上问题。

The fourth issue concerns the "one country, two systems" policy. The Dalai group bases its demand for "a high degree of autonomy" on the "one country, two systems" policy; it believes that Tibet is "special" and should have even greater rights of autonomy than Hong Kong and Macau.

"One country, two systems" is a basic state policy adopted by the central government of China to resolve the issues of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau, and to realize the peaceful reunification of our country. But the Tibet issue has nothing in common with the situation in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau. The Taiwan issue was a carry-over from the KMT-CPC civil war. The issues of Hong Kong and Macau were the direct result of imperialist aggression against China, and they concerned the resumption of sovereignty. Tibet has been an integral part of China's territory since ancient times, over which the central government has always exercised effective sovereign jurisdiction. So the issue of resuming exercise of sovereignty does not arise.

由此可见,所谓的“高度自治”,“自治”是假,“独立”是真,目的是要否定中国对西藏的主权,建立不受中央政府管辖的“大藏区”。如此的“高度自治”,根本没有实现的基础和条件。This demonstrates that "a high degree of autonomy" is a mask that conceals the true aim of realizing complete independence; and its purpose is to deny China's sovereignty over Tibet and establish a "Greater Tibet" beyond the jurisdiction of the central government. There is no prospect of it ever coming to pass, for the following reasons:
其一,“高度自治”根本违背了《中华人民共和国宪法》关于中国各民族关系的精神和原则。《中华人民共和国宪法》序言明确表明:“中华人民共和国是全国各族人民共同缔造的统一的多民族国家。平等、团结、互助的社会主义民族关系已经确立,并将继续加强。在维护民族团结的斗争中,要反对大民族主义,主要是大汉族主义,也要反对地方民族主义。”第4条规定:“中华人民共和国各民族一律平等”,“禁止对任何民族的歧视和压迫,禁止破坏民族团结和制造民族分裂的行为”。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》第48条规定:“民族自治地方的自治机关保障本地方内各民族都享有平等权利。”十四世达赖集团的“高度自治”,根本无视西藏各民族的平等权利,是极端民族主义的表现。First, it violates the principles of the Constitution of China concerning ethnic relationships. The Constitution states clearly in the Preamble: "The People's Republic of China is a unitary multi-ethnic state built up jointly by the people of all its ethnic groups. Socialist relations of equality, unity and mutual assistance have been established among them and will continue to be strengthened. In the struggle to safeguard the unity of the ethnic groups, it is necessary to combat big-nation chauvinism, mainly Han chauvinism, and also necessary to combat local-national chauvinism." Article 4 says: "All ethnic groups in the People's Republic of China are equal... Discrimination against and oppression of any ethnic group are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the ethnic groups or instigate their secession are prohibited." The Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates in Article 48: "The organ of self-government of an ethnic autonomous area shall guarantee equal rights for the various ethnic groups in the area." The Dalai group's demands for "a high degree of autonomy" are an expression of ultra-nationalism that negates the equal rights of ethnic groups in Tibet.
其二,“高度自治”根本违背了中国现行国家结构。中华人民共和国在建立时就继承了单一制的国家结构,全国拥有统一的宪法和法律体系。在中国,构成国家整体的组成部分是地方行政区域而不是成员政府。《中华人民共和国宪法》第57条规定,全国人民代表大会是最高国家权力机关;第58条规定,全国人民代表大会和全国人民代表大会常务委员会行使国家立法权。各级地方政府都是中央政府的下级,必须服从中央政府的管理,不存在任何与中央政府法理上地位平等的权力主体。“高度自治”否定全国人大的最高权力,无视中央政府的权威,要求获得相当于国家层面的立法权,把地方对中央的隶属关系说成是政治实体之间的“合作”关系、对等关系。在中国,不存在中央和地方对等“谈判”、征得相互“同意”、建立“合作解决的途径”的问题。

Second, "a high degree of autonomy" runs counter to the present state structure of China. When founded, the People's Republic of China inherited a unitary state structure, with a unitary Constitution and legal system. In China, the state is constituted by local administrative regions rather than local governments. As the Constitution stipulates in Article 57: "The National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China is the highest organ of state power." It also stipulates in Article 58: "The National People's Congress and its Standing Committee exercise the legislative power of the state."

Local governments at various levels are all subordinate to the central government and thus shall be subject to its administration - de jure, there is no power subject equal in status to the central government. "A high degree of autonomy" denies the supreme power of the NPC and defies the authority of the central government. Instead, it demands the legislative power of the state, and interprets the administrative relationship between local government and the central government as a "cooperative" or peer-to-peer relationship between political entities. In China, there is no such a thing as the central government and a local government "negotiate" on an equal footing, seek "consent" from each other, and then find a "solution through cooperation."

其三,“高度自治”根本违背了中国特色社会主义基本政治制度。如前所述,民族区域自治制度是中国的一项基本政治制度。在自治区域内,各族公民享有平等的权利,各族公民权利受到宪法和法律的保障。各民族自治地方都是中华人民共和国领土不可分离的一部分。民族自治地方的人民政府是一级地方国家行政机关,同时也是自治地方的自治机关。《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》第15条规定:“各民族自治地方的人民政府都是国务院统一领导下的国家行政机关,都服从国务院。”西藏作为中国的一个自治区,自然在中央政府的领导之下。十四世达赖集团企图通过“高度自治”根本否定中国的民族区域自治制度。Third, "a high degree of autonomy" runs counter to China's fundamental political system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. As aforementioned, the system of regional ethnic autonomy is a basic political system of China. In an autonomous area, people of various ethnic groups enjoy equal rights, and such rights are protected by the Constitution and other laws. All ethnic autonomous areas are integral parts of the People's Republic of China. The people's governments of ethnic autonomous areas are local organs of the state power at the relevant levels, as well as organs of self-government in these areas. The Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulates in Article 15: "The people's governments of all ethnic autonomous areas will be administrative organs of the State under the unified leadership of the State Council and will be subordinate to it." Tibet, as an autonomous region of China, is naturally under the leadership of the central government. The Dalai group's claims for "a high degree of autonomy" represent an out-and-out denial of China's system of regional ethnic autonomy.
佛教教义中的“中观”思想原本是主张摒弃“实有”和“恶趣空”两种偏见,不走极端。然而,十四世达赖集团的政治主张,只是借“中间道路”之名,行“西藏独立”之实。十四世达赖的二哥嘉乐顿珠、弟弟丹增曲嘉以及其重要骨干桑东等“藏独”头目曾表示:“我们先求自治,然后再把中国人赶走!自治将是个起步。”“第一步先让西藏在自治的名义下半独立;第二步过渡到西藏独立”。所谓的“西藏流亡政府”新头目也对印度《对话》杂志表示:“西藏独立与西藏自治的观点并不矛盾,从辩证角度看,西藏独立是原则目标,西藏自治是现实目标。”为推行“中间道路”,分阶段实现“西藏独立”,十四世达赖集团极力包装自己,佯装迎合“世界潮流”,假借诸如“第三条道路”、“民族自决”、“民族自治”、“非暴力”、“双赢”等国际话语,把“藏独”诉求粉饰成追求公平正义与民主自由。然而,由于彻底脱离中国国情与西藏实际,根本违背中国宪法、法律和基本政治制度,不管怎么包装都是徒劳的。

In Buddhism, the "meditation on the mean" advocates rejection of two biases - "real existence" and "having evil views of the doctrine of voidness" (dur-grhita suyata), and advocates the avoidance of extremes. But the actual political claims of the members of the Dalai group are all about independence. Ringleaders of the group, including the 14th Dalai Lama's two brothers - Gyalo Thondup and Tenzin Chogyal, and Samdhong Rinpoche, an influential member of the leading group, once stated that they first seek autonomy, and then drive out the Chinese! Autonomy will be the start...; the first step is to realize the semi-independence of Tibet in the name of autonomy, and the

is to transit to its independence. The new head of the Tibetan "government-in-exile" once told Dialogue India, "Tibetan independence does not conflict with Tibetan autonomy. Dialectically, the former is the principle goal while the latter is a realistic target." To pursue the "middle way" and realize independence by stages, the Dalai party try their best to appeal to contemporary international trends, presenting their claims for independence as a call to fairness, justice, democracy and freedom under the banner of such expressions as "the third way," "national self-determination," "ethnic autonomy," "non-violence" and "win-win." However, they have no prospect of success as their goals are completely divorced from China's national conditions and Tibet's reality, and violate China's Constitution, its laws, and its basic systems.

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