Q: The West often assesses China's path through the lens of its system framework. When did the system structure of China's development path begin to take shape?

A: The establishment of an entire new set of systems is a hallmark of a nation's progress and prosperity. Healthy economic and social development, along with the expansion of a country's external influence, largely stem from the effective extension of domestic systems. Therefore, we believe that system advantages constitute the greatest strengths of a nation.

China's political system is built on four cornerstones: the system of people's congresses, the system of multi-party cooperation and political consultation led by the Communist Party of China (CPC), the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and the system of primary level self-governance. The first three cornerstones were explicitly established at the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC). They are the political pillars that distinguish China's system from those of other countries – immutable yet continuously evolving and improving in response to new historical contexts.

From 1949 to 1956, the basic socialist economic systems were established. It can be said that the period spanning from the PRC's founding to before reform and opening-up, represents the foundational phase of the system framework that characterizes China's path.

Q: Did China's political systems differ significantly from Western ones during its foundational period?

A: That's right. Every country's institutional system is the result of long-term evolution within the context of its historical, cultural and national conditions. While it is possible to incorporate certain elements from foreign systems, outright replication is not feasible due to the issue of incompatibility.

For instance, China has experimented with various systems that originated in the West, such as constitutional monarchy, parliamentary system, multi-party system and presidential system. However, these attempts often deviated from their original goals and were not sustainable.

In the case of constitutional monarchy, the Qing dynasty (1616–1911) government introduced China's first constitution, the Principles of the Constitution of 1908, just before its collapse. Unlike constitutions around the world that are determined by representatives of the people, this constitution was imperially sanctioned, with its first article aiming to ensure the perpetual rule of the Qing dynasty, completely conflicting with democratic principles and failing to stabilize the nation.

During the Republic of China period (1912–1949), the ruling class still idealized western political models. Sun Yat-sen conceived the Five-Power Constitution, which featured the establishment of five parallel state organs of legislative, executive, judicial, supervisory and examination branches to oversee each other. It was said to be the most decentralized and democratic constitution in the world. However, China's most pressing issue at that time was to address its fragmented state and achieve national unification, rendering the implementation of the Five-Power Constitution impractical.

It appears that no political system can be entirely transplanted from one country to another. Even among countries with presidential systems, the French model is notably different from the American one, with some referring to the former as a "semi-presidential system" due to the substantial power vested in the prime minister. After the unification of West and East Germany, a parliamentary system was adopted instead of a presidential one. Similarly, constitutional monarchies vary widely in the powers exercised by their monarchs, ranging from ceremonial roles to substantive authority. Commonwealth member nations share a single monarch. All these variations are seen as normal.

Therefore, it is clear that a stable political system must be one that has been cultivated and innovated within a nation's own context.

During the Constitutional Convention of 1787, as the United States was in its infancy and the delegates found themselves locked in heated debate without a clear resolution, Benjamin Franklin said the following:

We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those Republics which having been formed with the seeds of their own dissolution now no longer exist. And we have viewed Modern States all round Europe, but find none of their Constitutions suitable to our circumstances.

The founders of the United States, heirs to the political civilization of Europe, candidly admitted that the systems of European countries did not suit them. Likewise, at the founding of the PRC, there was a similar encounter with the design of the national system.

Q: Could you elaborate on the system of people's congresses? As a "cornerstone," referred to as the fundamental political system of China, what does it look like in practice?

A: The people's congresses are the embodiment of the people's role as masters of the country and serve as an organ of power. Members of governments at all levels are elected by the people's congresses at corresponding levels; while major decisions of governments at all levels are deliberated and passed by the people's congresses at corresponding levels. The National People's Congress (NPC) is the highest organ of state power in China, and its permanent body is the NPC Standing Committee, which consists of over 170 members.

China has a five-tier system of people's congresses at the national, provincial, municipal, county and township levels, with nearly 2.8 million deputies in total. Of these, there are nearly 3000 deputies to the NPC. Deputies to the people's congresses at the county and township levels, who account for 94% of the total, are directly elected by voters. Deputies to the people's congresses at the municipal level and above are elected by the deputies to the people's congresses at the level below.

Q: There seems to be some discussion about the deputies to the people's congresses, with a perception that they function differently from Western legislators. Could you comment on this?

A: This may be a misunderstanding. Let me tell you a story of a deputy to show what kind of people they are and what they do.

Shen Jilan, who passed away in June 2020, served as an NPC deputy for 13 consecutive terms. This should not come as a surprise, as many Western parliamentarians have served from a young age until their death.

At the age of 17, Shen got married and moved to Xigou village in Pingshun county, Shanxi province. The usual rural practice at that time was for men to work in the fields while women stayed at home cooking, sewing and raising children. After the founding of the PRC, Shen sought to change the status of women. She began plowing the fields like men and even initiated a labor competition with them. She also proposed to the village that men and women should receive equal pay for equal work, making her a symbolic figure in the liberation of women. In 1954, Shen was elected as a deputy to the first NPC, and the Constitution adopted at that session included the provision of equal pay for equal work for men and women.

Shen served as the director of the Shanxi Provincial Women's Federation for a period, but stepped down to return to Xigou village. She said, "It's not that Xigou village can't do without me, it's that I can't do without Xigou village." After reform and opening-up, she worked tirelessly to increase the collective income of Xigou village by helping establish village enterprises. She often said, "If the residents aren't wealthy, I shouldn't be wealthy first; that's not what a deputy should be."

Q: It sounds like a story of a model worker, seemingly lacking in professionalism. As an NPC deputy, where do her contributions lie?

A: Deputies like Shen, who engage in labor and live in rural areas, are most attuned to the needs of rural residents. This aligns precisely with their area of expertise.

During her tenure in the NPC, Shen proposed many specific motions. For instance, from 1993 to 2020, she submitted over 490 motions, drafting more than 80 herself. In one, she argued: "Even in the pursuit of building a new countryside, we must not encroach upon arable land. Without land for farming, everyone will go hungry."

"Building a New Socialist Countryside" was an initiative put forward by the central government. However, some local authorities misinterpreted it as demolishing old houses of residents or occupying arable land to construct modern buildings. Shen's courage and insight in proposing such motions was commendable.

There are many deputies like Shen. Among the current NPC deputies, alongside frontline workers, farmers, rural teachers and service personnel, there are also delivery workers, youth volunteers, private entrepreneurs, university professors, lawyers and others from various professions. They participate in politics as ordinary citizens.

At each level of the people's congresses, specialized committees are organized by profession. The NPC comprises 10 committees covering the Constitution and laws; supervision and judiciary; ethnic affairs; finance and economy; education, science, culture and health; foreign affairs; overseas Chinese affairs; environmental and resource protection; agriculture and rural area; and social construction. NPC deputies serving on these committees typically have relevant work experience in the respective fields, leadership roles in local departments, or are professional researchers. This affords them significant advantages when deliberating on laws and overseeing their implementation.

The interviewee is Chen Jin, Former committee member of the Institute of Party History and Literature of the Central Committee of CPC.

Liu Xian /Editor    Zhang Rong /Translator

Yang Xinhua /Chief Editor    Liu Xian /Coordination Editor

Liu Li /Reviewer

Zhang Weiwei /Copyeditor    Tan Yujie /Image Editor

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