'China Threat' not an excuse for US 'Asia-Pacific Pivot'

By Zhao Kejin
0 Comment(s)Print E-mail China.org.cn, February 21, 2014
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During U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry's recent China visit, he said that the United States would like to strengthen coordination with China on global issues such as climate change, and jointly safeguard regional peace and stability. The broader concessions the two sides achieved and the timing of the visit, on Valentine's Day, have conveyed a lot of messages.

In 2014, China will work to reform while the United States will be busy with its midterm elections. As two of the most influential major powers in the world, neither China nor the United States wants to stir up trouble. Safeguarding stability has become the main tone of China-U.S. relations.

International politics is mainly about big powers, and the balance of power is the core of major power politics. An imbalance between big powers will lead to world turmoil. The United States has initiated the so-called "Asia-Pacific rebalancing" strategy in 2009 to ensure the effectiveness of the security commitment to its Asian allies, and the economic dominance in the region. Since the strategy arose, Asian regional economic cooperation, which was originally in full swing, suddenly got bogged down. The undercurrents of tension and alienation increased. Everybody started making calculations of their own. Some countries even tried to distort history.

 Digging in the wrong garden. [By Jiao Haiyang/China.org.cn]

 Digging in the wrong garden. [By Jiao Haiyang/China.org.cn]

In a way, the U.S. "rebalancing" strategy is actually "de-balancing" the Asia Pacific. It has reactivated regional security issues. The situation in the Asia-Pacific region, which has always lacked a regional security framework, has become more complicated. Some disputes have even presented the United States with a serious dilemma.

There is no doubt that a turbulent Asia Pacific is not in the U.S. interest. Though the United States has sown discord in the Asia-Pacific region, its aggressive strategy has pushed China and Russia closer. The United States is losing its advantage on the Asian continent. As the balance of power in the continent fails, the United States hasn't gained full control in marine disputes. The situation in West Asia, North Africa, the Middle East, Afghanistan and other places shows that America's ability to mobilize forces and its international leadership have declined significantly. The Obama administration's Asia policy has been criticized at home and abroad. The policy can neither effectively protect U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific region nor fulfill the U.S. security commitment to its Asian allies.

The reason that Obama's "rebalancing" strategy is so problematic is because the United States miscalculated China's Asia-Pacific strategy. In its calculation, China will yield to pressure as long as the United States pushes harder and harder. The result has turned out to be totally different. The path of major-country diplomacy, established since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and the strategic objectives, basic principles and overall plans set out on China's neighborhood diplomacy at China's first conference on neighborhood diplomacy have all proved that in spite of the pressure from the United States, China hasn't flinched, and has continued marching forward.

Although China has made impressive progress in its economic development, its strategic influence in the Asia-Pacific region is still limited, and it cannot shake the U.S. strategic dominance in the region. China's strategy in the region is more defensive in nature. A showdown with the United States is not what China wants. The United States will have to face the consequences of its strategy of alienating China and other Asian countries by exaggerating the China threat.

Strategic mutual trust is not the ultimate goal of China-U.S. relations. Common interests will serve as a more reliable foundation. In fact, it is not that difficult to handle China-U.S. relations in the era of globalization. As long as we keep the common interests of the two countries in mind, properly handle differences and develop complementary interests, China-U.S. relations can be put back on the right track.

The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit: http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/node_7075406.htm

This article was translated by Li Huiru. Its original unabridged version was published in Chinese.

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.

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