Answering four key questions about China's rise

By Fu Ying
0 Comment(s)Print E-mail Huffingtonpost.com, October 22, 2014
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Third, how is China's commitment to peace reflected in its policy in the neighborhood?

As we entered the second decade of the 21st century, China's neighborhood has seen much disquiet. The temperature has risen over territorial disputes and maritime jurisdiction -- issues which had lain dormant for years. What has happened?

On April 10th, 2012, a Philippine navy ship sent armed men into the lagoon of Huangyan Island to harass Chinese fishermen who were working there. Photos of the scene angered the people back home who called for actions to protect Chinese citizens and territory.

The following September, the Japanese government went ahead with the so-called "nationalization" of the Diaoyu Islands, which broke the status quo of shelving the disputes for resolution at some future time. That too ignited serious demonstrations in many Chinese cities and gravely strained ties with China.

China took effective measures in response to both provocations to firmly uphold territorial rights and interests. At the same time, China has exercised restraint and has not given up on resolving disputes through dialogue or the principle of "putting aside differences and going for joint development." We also must watch closely the true intentions and other complicating factors that may lie behind provocations.

China and ASEAN countries have had many rounds of discussions and finally reaffirmed the commitment to the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, which underpins stability in the South China Sea. We also started talks on a "code of conduct."

Free and unimpeded passage in the South China Sea is crucial for China as a major trading country. Maintaining such freedom remains one of our priorities.

Compared with other regions in the world, Asia has remained peaceful and stable on the whole since the end of the Cold War. With no major conflicts, countries have been able to focus on economic development and cooperation.

In this process, they have not only deepened common interests but also made Asia an engine for the global economy, contributing roughly half of global growth in recent years.

China's good-neighborly policies over these years have played an important role in this process.

THE ASEAN WAY

One priority of China's Asia policy going forward is to support and join in the framework of dialogue and cooperation initiated by ASEAN, which fosters the principles of openness, inclusiveness, consensus building and accommodating each party's comfort level. This is known as the ASEAN Way.

This seemingly loose regional architecture led by ASEAN has provided a major integrating network that brought Asia together in the post-Cold War order.

China supports ASEAN centrality in East Asia cooperation, which now is an important component of the Asian order.

Parallel to this architecture is the bilateral military alliances led by the U.S., which is a legacy of the Cold War. How these alliances renew and reinvent themselves is being watched closely.

The "rebalance strategy" pursued by the U.S. in recent years exhibits a heavy military focus and has given rise to new debate.

THE TROUBLE WITH MILITARY ALLIANCES

First, military alliances are exclusive in nature. Where do non-members come in in its security vision? How do members balance their security interests and responsibilities with those of non-members?

Second, where do alliances draw the line when it comes to principles. Do members always support their allies, be it right or wrong?

Third, how does the alignment regime interface with and accommodate the region's other multilateral frameworks?

In the case of Japan, its current leader refuses to recognize the history of aggression. He has visited the Yasukuni Shrine and denies the fact of comfort women. Furthermore, he constantly invokes the "China threat" to justify his attempt to amend the country's pacifist constitution.

The concern among the Chinese people is that all this may be aimed at freeing Japan from post-World War restraints in order to attain the ability to wage war again.

As Japan's most important ally, how will the U.S. rein in this ally and keep it on a peaceful track? This will affect the future regional order in a fundamental way.

"As Japan's most important ally, how will the U.S. rein in this ally and keep on a peaceful track? This will affect the future regional order in a fundamental way."

In the final analysis, the decisive factor for Asia is whether China and the U.S. can properly manage their relationship and cooperate on regional issues.

Leaders of the two countries have agreed to build a new type of major-country relationship. The question is how this is realized in the real world.

The first issue is whether the two countries could build up mutual trust and reduce misperceptions. The lack of trust between China and U.S., both at a strategic level and in media circles, has led to continuous misreading and misjudgment, which spoils the atmosphere and stands in the way of cooperation.

For the U.S. side, the key lies in resisting the temptation to view China from an ideological standpoint. If this obstacle cannot be removed, bilateral ties are likely to be affected by ups and downs from time to time.

The second is whether the two countries can learn to respect each other's interests and concerns. To the Chinese people, the U.S. seems to prefer choosing to stand on the opposing side on almost any issue that involves China's interest.

For instance, when China faces provocations from its neighbors, the U.S. has pointed fingers at China regardless of facts. By doing so, the U.S. has reinforced its negative image among the Chinese public.

To change that, the two countries could exhibit a more positive tone and conduct more visible cooperation in such areas as climate change, counterterrorism, curbing pandemics and cyber security.

Both countries need a prosperous and stable Asia. We should identify areas where we agree and work on them. In areas where we can't agree, let's put aside differences for further discussion.

We should state together our support for the multilateral frameworks led by ASEAN and leave little room for regional countries to worry about China-U.S. conflict or to take sides.

On the part of China, we should carefully consider how our actions might affect our neighbors. We should explain ourselves more proactively -- to make our voice better heard -- so that the outside world can have a more timely and objective understanding of our thinking and intentions.

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