New chapter in China-Egypt relations

By Jin Liangxiang
0 Comment(s)Print E-mail China.org.cn, August 29, 2012
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President Hu Jintao meets his Egyptian counterpart Mohamed Morsi in Beijing on Tuesday. China is one of the first countries Morsi chose to visit since he assumed office in June. Both leaders vowed to enhance cooperation, such as encouraging more Chinese companies to invest in Egypt. [Photo by Wu Zhiyi / China Daily]

President Hu Jintao meets his Egyptian counterpart Mohamed Morsi in Beijing on Tuesday. China is one of the first countries Morsi chose to visit since he assumed office in June. Both leaders vowed to enhance cooperation, such as encouraging more Chinese companies to invest in Egypt. [Photo by Wu Zhiyi / China Daily]

Very few state visits have attracted so much international attention as the one Mohamed Morsi is having in China on August 28 through 30. To the surprise of some international observers, Egypt headed by Morsi actually has every reason to list China as his first diplomatic travel destination outside the Middle East. This landmark event will bring China-Egypt relations into a new era.

Morsi's China visit follows the historic precedent of the establishment China-Egypt relations ― Egypt was the first country both in Arab world and Africa to recognize the newly founded People's Republic of China in 1956. Relations between the two nations have remained sound since then regardless of the changes on both sides and the revolution in Egypt in 2011.

China-Egypt relations would not be blooming as it is today without the personal contribution of great charismatic leaders like the late Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai and Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Even Hosni Mubarak contributed greatly to bilateral relations between the two sides, despite his current reputation as a dictator ― he personally visited China ten times as vice president and president.

Strong bilateral relations are further bolstered by a shared identity as historical victims of western colonialism; friendship between the two nations developed in their mutual support for each side's movement for national independence. Compared with commercial and political interests, these shared ties have been much more solid and long-lasting.

Morsi's visit is also part of Egypt's efforts to diversify its diplomatic relations. Mubarak's foreign policy was regarded as too much dependent on the US, which undermined its national interests, despite the receipt of roughly US$2 billion per year in aid from the US. For instance, Egypt has to compromise in its relations with Israel in order to receive US aid, which undermined the image of Egypt as an elder brother of the Arab world.

In order to be different from his predecessor, Morsi is certainly right to keep his distance from the US. China, as a major rising power that enjoys traditional relations with Egypt, was a logical choice for Morsi's first extra-regional diplomatic visit. This new diplomatic posturing will further enhance his legitimacy as president.

This visit is crucial for Egypt to gain China's support in its efforts to regain its reputation in the Middle East. Though it has been relatively passive in regional affairs due to its internal unrest since 2011, Egypt will sooner or later resume its leading role in the Middle East, judging by its size of territory and population.

Undoubtedly, China will be one of the major external actors in this effort. China recently vetoed three UN Security Council resolutions regarding the Syria issue. Its policy of non-intervention might not be properly understood in an Arab world with rising revolutionary passions, but its readiness to play a critical role in the region has been widely noticed.

China is also regarded as a friend that can help Egypt reconstruct its economy. Mohamed Morsi's swearing-in as president well signified the initial success of Egypt's power transition. But the success of the country's political reconstruction will finally depend on whether Morsis can successfully manage Egypt's worsening economic situation or not. No new government can survive without creating employment opportunities for its people.

The investment climate in Egypt worsened as a result of the revolution; in addition, ordinary people have high expectations for the new democratically-elected government. It has never been more important for the incumbent government to attract foreign investments so it can create jobs and stave off rising unemployment.

In this regard, no other country can provide more help to Egyptians than China. China has abundant capital while Americans and Europeans are still dealing with their own economic crisis; and China, with a population of 1.3 billion, is also a huge potential market for Egyptian exports. What's more, as a developing country, China has experience in increasing domestic job opportunities and alleviating poverty, which Egyptians are anxiously to learn from.

Morsi's visit will also significantly boost China's diplomatic credibility in the Middle East. It seems that China has been reluctant in involving itself deeply with the Middle Eastern affairs in the last decade. But as China becomes the second-largest economy in the world, it cannot avoid playing a bigger role in the region. China has both the responsibility and necessity to work for peace and stability in the Middle East. The rest of the developed world, in turn, expects China to behave more responsibly, and regional countries expect China to become more involved.

Morsi's Beijing tour comes primarily out of his desire to improve the situation in his home country. Nevertheless, it also suggests that Cairo is more willing to communicate with Beijing. Egypt, which still holds the power to shape regional agendas, will be a major partner that China can depend on for its increasing participation in Middle Eastern issues.

Last but not the least, if properly executed, Morsi's China visit, as part of a general trend of Middle Eastern countries looking to the East, will have a profound impact on regional politics. An Arab world less reliant on the US and the West will be more confident in determining its own affairs.

The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/jinliangxiang.htm

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.

 

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